Παρασκευή, 24 Ιανουαρίου 2014

Greco Χρηματοδότηση κομμάτων

Greco recommendation

Consequently, the GET recommends 
(i) to ensure that all forms of income, expenditure, assets and debts are accounted for by political parties in a
comprehensive manner and following a consistent format and that their accounts also
include the finances of local branches of parties;
(ii) to seek ways of increasing the transparency of the finances of other entities which are related directly or indirectly to political parties or under their control, and
(iii) to ensure that the accounting information is made public in a timely and sufficiently comprehensive manner

As a consequence, the GET recommends
to introduce a general requirement for political parties, elected representatives and election candidates to disclose all individual donations (including of a non-monetary nature and sponsoring) they receive above a certain value together with the identity of the donor.

In the light of the above, the GET recommends to introduce specific reporting of all income and expenditure relating to election campaigns by political parties and election candidates in respect of all types of elections, that such information should include non-monetary or benefit-in-kind contributions received by the party or the candidate and expenditure incurred on the party’s or candidate’s behalf and that such information should be disclosed to the wider public at appropriate intervals.

The GET therefore recommends to ensure independent auditing in respect of political parties’ books and accounts, as appropriate, prior to their submission for external monitoring.

In view of the above, the GET recommends 
(i) to clarify that the monitoring of political parties’ annual accounts goes beyond the auditing of incomes and expenditure;
(ii) to ensure that income funding an election campaign and all expenditure incurred in relation to the election are accounted for in the statement furnished to the Auditor General at election campaigns and to provide
for clear rules for the submission of such statements to the Auditor General; and
(iii) to provide an independent supervisory mechanism in respect of election candidates’ income
and expenditure.

The GET recommends that flexible sanctions be introduced for violations of the legislation concerning the submission of election statements in respect of election candidates.

V. CONCLUSIONS
73. Public life in Cyprus is strongly interlinked with the various political parties and the political
election system is dominated by the parties as opposed to individual candidates. Political parties
represented in Parliament have since 1991 been receiving substantial funding from the State, but
this funding has not been conditioned with many statutory rules. In addition to public funding, it
appears that the dominant political parties also obtain considerable funds from private sources
and the longstanding lack of regulation in this respect has been a matter of controversy and
concern in Cyprus for many years. With the adoption of the Law on Providing for Registration,
Funding of Political Parties and other Similar Matters (Political Parties Law) on 10 February 2011,
a number of issues in respect of political financing have for the first time been regulated by law in
Cyprus. The Political Parties Law introduces, inter alia, a generic definition of political parties, a
coherent party registration regime and makes it clear that political parties are legal persons.
Moreover, the Political Parties Law provides general criteria for the allocation of state funding and
such funding has been extended to also cover parties which are not represented in Parliament.
Concerning the funding of political parties by private sources the Political Parties Law introduces
a prohibitions to contributions from, inter alia, public authorities or from foreign companies.
Furthermore, donations from natural persons and legal persons are limited to certain monetary
values, subject to sanctions. Moreover, the Political Parties Law provides the Auditor General
with the authority to perform monitoring of political party financing. The Cypriot authorities should
be commended for having established this legal framework which clearly represents a step in the
right direction. Having said that, the new legislation does not sufficiently address all major areas
to provide for sufficient transparency of private funding of political parties as required by
Recommendation Rec(2003)4 on Common Rules against Corruption in the Funding of Political
Parties and Electoral Campaigns. A major shortcoming is that there are no obligations upon
political parties to report and make public the sources of private donations including
sponsorships. The law is also rather general in character and certain issues, such as accounting
requirements specific to political parties and deadlines for submission of accounts and financial
statements would require further regulation. The establishment of a monitoring mechanism under
the Auditor General is an important achievement; however, the scope of this monitoring needs
further clarification, both in relation to the monitoring of parties’ regular accounts and the statements relating to election campaigns. Moreover, the monitoring mechanism of candidates is
not sufficiently independent and could well be more aligned with that provided for in respect of
political parties. It goes without saying that the new legislation in Cyprus needs to be assessed in
terms of its effectiveness, once it has become operational in practice.

74. In view of the above, GRECO addresses the following recommendations to Cyprus:
i. (i) to ensure that all forms of income, expenditure, assets and debts are accounted for by political parties in a comprehensive manner and following a consistent format and that their accounts also include the finances of local branches of parties;
(ii) to seek ways of increasing the transparency of the finances of other entities which are related directly or indirectly to political parties or under their control, and
(iii) to ensure that the accounting information is made public in a timely and sufficiently comprehensive manner (paragraph 65);
ii. to introduce a general requirement for political parties, elected representatives and election candidates to disclose all individual donations (including of a nonmonetary nature and sponsoring) they receive above a certain value together with the identity of the donor (paragraph 66);
iii. to introduce specific reporting of all income and expenditure relating to election campaigns by political parties and election candidates in respect of all types of elections, that such information should include non-monetary or benefit-in-kind contributions received by the party or the candidate and expenditure incurred on
the party’s or candidate’s behalf and that such information should be disclosed to the wider public at appropriate intervals (paragraph 67);
iv. to ensure independent auditing in respect of political parties’ books and accounts, as appropriate, prior to their submission for external monitoring (paragraph 68);
v. (i) to clarify that the monitoring of political parties’ annual accounts goes beyond the auditing of incomes and expenditure; (ii) to ensure that income funding an election campaign and all expenditure incurred in relation to the election are accounted for in the statement furnished to the Auditor General at election
campaigns and to provide for clear rules for the submission of such statements to the Auditor General; and (iii) to provide an independent supervisory mechanism in respect of election candidates’ income and expenditure (paragraph 70);
vi. that flexible sanctions be introduced for violations of the legislation concerning the submission of election statements in respect of election candidates (paragraph 72).

Πληροφορίες για τη διαφθορά

Group of states against corruption - GRECO


United Nations Convention against Corruption


Background of the United Nations Convention against Corruption In its resolution 55/61 of 4 December 2000, the General Assembly recognized that an effective international legal instrument against corruption, independent of the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (resolution 55/25, annex I) was desirable and decided to establish an ad hoc committee for the negotiation of such an instrument in Vienna at the headquarters of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.
  Text of the United Nations Convention against Corruption
Convention highlights Prevention Corruption can be prosecuted after the fact, but first and foremost, it requires prevention. An entire chapter of the Convention is dedicated to prevention, with measures directed at both the public and private sectors. These include model preventive policies, such as the establishment of anticorruption bodies and enhanced transparency in the financing of election campaigns and political parties. States must endeavour to ensure that their public services are subject to safeguards...
Criminalization The Convention requires countries to establish criminal and other offences to cover a wide range of acts of corruption, if these are not already crimes under domestic law. In some cases, States are legally obliged to establish offences; in other cases, in order to take into account differences in domestic law, they are required to consider doing so. The Convention goes beyond previous instruments of this kind, criminalizing not only basic forms of corruption... [Read More]
International cooperation
Countries agreed to cooperate with one another in every aspect of the fight against corruption, including prevention, investigation, and the prosecution of offenders. Countries are bound by the Convention to render specific forms of mutual legal assistance in gathering and transferring evidence for use in court... [Read More]


Asset recovery
In a major breakthrough, countries agreed on asset-recovery, which is stated explicitly as a fundamental principle of the Convention. This is a particularly important issue for many developing countries where high-level corruption has plundered the national wealth, and where resources are badly needed for reconstruction and the rehabilitation of societies...  [Read More]
Υπογράψαμε?
CountrySignatureRatification, Acceptance (A), Approval (AA), Accession (a), Succession (d)
Cyprus    9 Dec 200323 Feb 2009


Fighting corruption: a stronger commitment for greater results

Τα πιο πολλά δικηγορικά γραφεία που ασχολούνται με εταιρείες εκτός Κύπρου έχουν πληροφορίες για τη διαφθορά. Φαίνεται ότι συμπληρώνουν ένα είδος ερωτηματολογίου, ένα παράδειγμα πιο κάτω.

Cyprus is a member of the Group of States against Corruption (GRECO) of the Council of Europe.
As pointed out in GRECO’s Third Round Evaluation Report on Cyprus, “Cyprus has ratified the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173) and its Additional Protocol (ETS 191) and made the offences contained in
these instruments directly applicable as domestic law.
However, despite the fact that this legislation has been in force for several years, it has never been applied by the prosecutorial authorities nor by the courts.
Instead, theses authorities have continued to exclusively apply old legislation concerning corruption offences, which does not comply with the requirements of the Criminal Law Convention and its Additional Protocol.
The co-existence of old and new legislation which overlap makes the legal framework in respect of corruption offenc
es inconsistent. For the sake of legal clarity, GRECO sees a clear need to establish a uniform legal framework and
to make sure that it is applied in practice.”
Christina Orphanidou LL.B (Hons), LL.M
Marianna Georghadji BSc Econ, LL.B (Hons), LPC 

Τρίτη, 14 Ιανουαρίου 2014

World Bank: Five Steps to Scale-Up Energy Efficiency

http://blogs.worldbank.org/energy/five-steps-scale-energy-efficiency

Most experts agree that energy efficiency is a critical building block for sustainable development. This is because improvements in energy efficiency strengthen a country’s energy security, increase competitiveness, ease shortages in energy supply, and lower environmental impacts including local and greenhouse gas emissions.
Why doesn’t it happen then? 

A big reason is the hassle factor.  Some businesses have limitations on financing ability. Management attention is focused on the company’s priority—production.  There is often little space left over for energy efficiency.  For others, consumers don’t perceive that potential gains will offset the higher costs of energy efficient equipment.  There is also a fairness aspect: some people seeing energy efficiency as a public good, and don’t see why they should assume the burden of investment for benefits that many will enjoy—even if they did not contribute.   
Governments try to respond with regulations, incentives and subsidies, information and other mechanisms to change people’s and companies’ decision-making and behavior, but results generally lag behind the rhetoric.  So how can energy efficiency actually be scaled-up?  Here are five suggested steps:
First, focus initially on government action.  Countries in which governments took an active, leadership role in promoting energy efficiency—including seeking to achieve high efficiency levels within their own facilities—have generally performed better.  Examples of such countries include the U.S., Germany, Denmark, Japan and more recently China.  This can include a range of measures—from appointing energy managers and adopting energy management systems, to adjusting budgeting, public finance and procurement rules to favor energy efficient products/systems, to preparing case studies and best practice guides to acknowledge and reward good performers. 
Common ownership and similar building types (e.g., schools, hospitals) offer excellent opportunities to bundle projects or equipment purchases together, allowing significant economies of scale.  This allows governments to have a catalytic effect on local markets, attracting new service providers and equipment suppliers, increasing competition and driving down prices. 
Second, create budgetary space for energy efficiency.  Given the massive benefits that robust energy efficiency programs can deliver—the U.S. has saved some US$11.7 billion under its Federal Energy Management Program, Germany saves €40+ million each year from its public energy service company (ESCO) programs—governments must be urged to allocate substantial public funds to make them happen.  A large share of these funds can be provided on a revolving basis through energy efficiency funds and banking programs, guarantee schemes, and ESCO financing.  Public funds, if designed correctly, can “crowd in” rather than “crowd out” commercial financing.  Public budget support is also needed to create and maintain institutional structures—covering market analyses, data collection and analysis, program design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation, awareness campaigns, and training. Modest funds will also be required to support incentive schemes, particularly for low-income and other residential programs.
Third, stop doing pilot projects.  Pilot projects, as opposed to demonstration projects, are supposed to test implementation mechanisms on a small scale before expansion.  Unfortunately, most pilots are done without any plans or means for scaling-up successful schemes and the experience is lost soon after the pilot ends. 
Fourth, build markets for energy efficiency. Grants can, in some cases, remove the competitive market discipline that makes companies successful.  Energy efficiency programs are generally based on market-mature technologies and well-tested program models, so grant-funded pilots should not be necessary.  Governments, donors and partners should establish national programs for key sectors (e.g. industry, buildings, transport), with accompanying regulatory mechanisms, incentives, information and technical support to achieve the energy efficiency goals.  These programs should have national targets and mechanisms to monitor progress. They should allow for midcourse corrections, with accountability, if desired outcomes are not reached. 
Fifth, focus regulatory mechanisms on the nonperformers.  Developing countries often lack the capacity to enforce all the regulations, which can create huge liabilities for them.  For energy efficiency, efforts can be made to achieve regulatory compliance through programming, incentives and financing.  This leaves a smaller, more manageable slice of the market for regulatory enforcement.  Enforcement mechanisms can take many forms—from product bans to minimum standards and codes, to fines and revoking of business licenses.  China’s government closed some 2,000 energy-intensive factories (e.g., steel, cement) in 2010 that were unable to make the necessary energy efficiency improvements. It need not be that uncompromising, but the threat of regulatory action can help motivate those lagging businesses to take action.
None of these actions is easy.  But we know that energy efficiency is a powerful resource to be exploited and should be willing to make a collective commitment to making it happen.  So, let’s stop debating what should be done and get on with doing it—at scale.

Πέμπτη, 9 Ιανουαρίου 2014

Γυναίκα της χρονιάς - Υποψήφια Γεωργία Πολυβίου, Πρόεδρος Αλκυονίδων για "Κοινωνική Προσφορά"

Αγαπητές φίλες και φίλοι,
με χαρά και περηφάνεια σας πληροφορούμε ότι στο διαγωνισμό για ανάδειξη της Γυναίκας της Χρονιάς 2013 του περιοδικού Madame Figaro, η Πρόεδρος των Αλκυονίδων Γεωργία Πολυβίου είναι υποψήφια στην κατηγορία "Κοινωνική Προσφορά".
Ο διαγωνισμός κλείνει στις 15 Ιανουαρίου 2014 γι' αυτό σας καλούμε χωρίς άλλη καθυστέρηση να ψηφίσετε!
Η ψηφοφορία γίνεται με 4 διαφορετικούς τρόπους και κάθε ένας από εμάς δικαιούται να ψηφίσει μία φορά με κάθε τρόπο.
  • Μπορείτε να ψηφίσετε με sms. Θα στείλετε sms στο 5588 γράφοντας MF94 κενο το ονοματεπώνυμο σας κενό 45 (η χρέωση είναι €1)
  • Μπορείτε να ψηφίσετε μέσω τηλεφώνου στο 90031009 και στη συνέχεια το μήνυμα στο τηλεφωνητή θα σας καθοδηγήσει για το πως να ψηφίσετε. Θα πρέπει να δώσετε το ονοματεπώνυμό σας και στην ερώτηση΄"Πόσες είναι φέτος οι υποψήφιες των βραβείων Madame Figaro Γυναίκες της Χρονιάς" να απαντήσετε 45 (η χρέωση είναι €1)
  • Μπορείτε επίσης να ψηφίσετε μέσω διαδικτύου στο www.ilovestyle.com ή στο www.sigmalive.com/
  • Και τέλος εάν αγοράσετε το περιοδικό Madame Figaro μπορείτε να ψηφίσετε αφού συμπληρώσετε και ταχυδρομήσετε το ψηφοδέλτιο.
Ψηφίζοντας θα πετύχουμε να αναδείξουμε και να επιβραβεύσουμε την πολύχρονη κοινωνική προσφορά των Αλκυονίδων και της Γεωργίας Πολυβίου ειδικά ως Προέδρου του Σωματείου.
Σας προτρέπουμε να ΨΗΦΙΣΕΤΕ ΤΩΡΑ και να προωθείσετε το μήνυμα στους φίλους και φίλες σας!!!

Τετάρτη, 8 Ιανουαρίου 2014

Σπουδαίο κοινωνικό πείραμα μαύρης σοκολάτας

Τον τελευταίο μήνα είχα πάρα πολύ δουλειά. Καθόμουν από το πρωί μέχρι μετά τα μεσάνυκτα στην καρέκλα και εργαζόμουν.
Κουράστηκα πάρα πολύ και γι αυτό σκέφτηκα να δίνω κίνητρο στον εαυτό μου να δουλεύει!
Έτσι αποφάσισα ότι κάθε φορά που έφτανα στο τέλος μιας ενότητας θα απολαμβάνω μια «σοκολατένια ελίτσα αμυγδάλου» Dragee της ΙΟΝ από μαύρη σοκολάτα που μου αρέσει πολύ!
Έτσι κάθε κάμποση ώρα απολάμβανα ένα σοκολατάκι.
Όμως πρόσεξα ότι όσο περνούσαν οι μέρες η αμοιβή μου αυξανόταν και τα διαλείμματα πιο συχνά αφού ακόμη και το πιο απλό πράγμα ήταν σπουδαίο και μου άξιζε αμοιβή!
Έτσι έφτασα σε σημείο που τις έτρωγα δυο δυο και εξαφανίστηκαν με μεγάλη ταχύτητα

Συμπέρασμα:
Αλλά, άμα αφήσεις τον εργαζόμενο να αποφασίζει μόνος του πάντα υπάρχει υπερ-αξιολόγηση και ότι κάνει εν πολλά σπουδαίο!



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